Shia theological schools

Shi‘ism experienced ever-increasing expansion during the period of the ‘Abbasid caliphate. This fact had some reasons and factors, some of which are the following: 1. The Hashimis and ‘Alawis during the Period of Umayyad Caliphate During the Umayyad period, the Hashimis—including both the ‘Abbasids and the ‘Alawis—were united, and from the time of Hashim when the ‘Abbasid campaigns started and coordination with the uprising of Zayd and his son, Yahya, they commenced their tasks based on Shi‘ism. As Abu’l-Faraj al-Isfahani says: When Walid ibn Yazid, the Umayyad caliph, was killed, and there was disagreement among the Marwanis, the Hashimite propagators and campaigners went to the districts (rural areas) and the first thing they expressed was the superiority of ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib and his progeny as well as their being oppressed. The ‘Abbasid caliph Mansur was one of the first narrators of the hadith on Ghadir.[113][355] As such, when some of the ‘Abbasid forces saw that ‘Abbasid policy turned against the ‘Alawis, they did not accept it and opposed the ‘Abbasids. For example, Abu Salmah Khalal, who was a leading campaigner of the ‘Abbasids in Iraq,[114][356] was killed by the ‘Abbasids on account of his inclination toward the ‘Alawis.[115][357] Although this person was not a Shi‘ah ideologically, his inclination toward the progeny of the Prophet (S) cannot be denied especially that he belonged to the tribe of Hamdan and was a resident of Kufah.[116][358] Among the Qahtani tribes, the tribe of Hamdan was preeminent in terms of inclination toward Shi‘ism. As such, Sayyid Muhsin Amin has considered him (Abu Salmah) one of the Shi‘ah viziers.[117][359] Even the ‘Abbasids themselves did not refrain initially from expressing love toward the progeny of the Prophet (S): When the head of Marwan ibn Muhammad, the last Umayyad caliph, was brought in front of Abu’l-‘Abbas as-Safah, he performed a long prostration. He then rose up and said: “Praise be to God who made us victorious over you. Now, I do not worry when I shall die because on behalf of Husayn, his brothers and companions, I killed two hundred Umayyads. On behalf of my cousin, Zayd ibn ‘Ali, I burned the bones of Hashim. On behalf of my brother, Ibrahim, I killed Marwan.[118][360] After the stabilization of the ‘Abbasid rule, on the one hand a gap emerged between them, and the progeny of the Prophet (S) and their Shi‘ah on the other. From the time of the ‘Abbasid caliph Mansur, the ‘Abbasids adopted the attitude and policy of the Umayyads toward the progeny of the Prophet (S). In fact, they exceeded the Umayyads in their enmity toward the Prophet’s progeny. 2. The End of the Umayyad Caliphate and the Succession to Power of the ‘Abbasids The end of the Umayyad period, the ascension to power of the ‘Abbasids, and the disputes and conflicts between them were a good opportunity for Imam al-Baqir and Imam as-Sadiq (‘a) to propagate the fundamentals of Shi‘ism considerably and to a great extent. This was especially true in the case of Imam as-Sadiq (‘a) who trained students in different fields and sciences. Many outstanding scholars such as Hashim ibn al-Hakam, Muhammad ibn Muslim, Aban ibn Taghlib, Hisham ibn Salim, Mu’min Taq, Mufadhdhal ibn ‘Umar, Jabir ibn Hayyan, and others were trained by the Imam. According to Shaykh al-Mufid, their companions all together totaled four thousand approximately in number.[119][361] They used to come to Imam as-Sadiq (‘a) from the different parts of the vast Muslim territory, bringing bounty and removing their doubts and skepticism. The Imam’s students were scattered across various cities and regions and it is natural that they played an important role in the spread of Shi‘ism to the various regions that they reached. 3. The Migration of the ‘Alawis One of the most important factors involved in the spread of Shi‘ism during the ‘Abbasid period was the migration and scattering of the sadat and ‘Alawis across the different parts of the Muslim territories. Most of them had no faith other than Shi‘ism. Although some of them had Zaydi inclination so much so that, according to some sources, some of the sadat were even Nasibis,[120][362] it can certainly be stated that most of the sadat had been Shi‘ah, their suffering at the hands of anti-Shi‘ah governments clearly substantiate this contention. The sadat were scattered in many regions of the Muslim territories stretching from Transoxiana and India to Africa. Although these migrations had started during the time of Hajjaj (ibn Yusuf), they were accelerated during the ‘Abbasid period owing to the uprisings of the ‘Alawis that mostly ended in failure. The north of Iran and the difficult to reach regions of Gilan and Mazandaran as well as the mountainous places and far-flung lands of Khurasan were considered secure places for the ‘Alawis. For the first time, during the time of Harun ar-Rashid, Yahya ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Hasani went to Mazandaran which was then called Tabaristan. Although he held power and flourished in his work, through his vizier Fadhl ibn Yahya who brought a letter, Harun was able to convince him to conclude a peace treaty.[121][363] Many ‘Alawis settled there after him and Shi‘ism spread there day by day. The people there embraced Islam through the ‘Alawis so much so that during the second half of the third century AH, the ‘Alawi rule in Tabaristan was established by Hasan ibn Zayd al-‘Alawi. At the time, it is regarded as a conducive place for the sadat just as Ibn Asfandiyar says, …At the time, so many ‘Alawi and Hashimite sadat from Hijaz, suburbs of Sham, and Iraq went to him. Verily, he had so much authority there that whenever he would ride, three hundred ‘Alawis armed with swords were around him.[122][364] When Imam ar-Ridha (‘a) was appointed by Ma’mun as his heir-apparent, the brothers and relatives of the Imam went to Iran. As Mar‘ashi writes: Because of the rumor of the heir-apparency spread by Ma’mun about the Imam (‘a), many sadat came here (Iran) and the Imam had twenty one brothers. This group of the Imam’s brothers and {their} sons consisting of Hasani and Husayni sadat arrived in the villages of Rey (old Tehran) and Iraq. And as they heard of the treachery Ma’mun committed against Hadhrat Ridha, they took refuge in the mountainous Daylamistan and Tabaristan. Some of them were martyred and their tombs and shrines are famous and since the people of Mazandaran were directly Shi‘ah when they embraced Islam and believed in the goodness of the descendants of the Prophet (S), sadat were held in high esteem there.[123][365] After the failure of the uprising of Shahid Fakh, Husayn ibn ‘Ali al-Hasani during the time of ‘Abbasid caliph Hadi, Idris ibn ‘Abd Allah, brother of Muhammad Nafs az-Zakiyyah went to Africa. The people there rallied around him and he set up the rule of the Idrisis in Maghrib. Although he was poisoned soon after that by ‘Abbasid agents, his sons ruled there for a period of about one century.[124][366] As such, the sadat became familiar with the mentioned settlement. It was for this reason that the ‘Abbasid caliph, Mutawakkil, wrote a letter to the governor of Egypt asking him to expel the ‘Alawi sadat with the payment of 30 dinars for every male and 15 dinars for every female. They were transferred to Iraq and from there they were sent to Medina.[125][367] Muntasir also wrote the following to the governor of Egypt: “No ‘Alawi could own property; he could not ride on horse; he could not move away from the capital; and he could not have more than one attendant.”[126][368] ‘Alawis could easily occupy a distinguished status among the people to such an extent that they could assume an air of dignity vis-à-vis the ruling authority. As Mas‘udi narrates, “Around 270 AH, one of the Talibis named Ahmad ibn ‘Abd Allah staged an uprising in the Sa‘id region of Egypt. But he was finally defeated and killed by Ahmad ibn Tulun.”[127][369] In this manner, the ‘Alawis were considered to have constituted the most important challenge for the ‘Abbasid caliphate. In 284 AH the ‘Abbasid caliph Mu‘tadhad decided to issue an order for Mu‘awiyah to be cursed on the pulpits. In this regard, he wrote an order but his vizier warned him of the public commotion. Mu‘tadhad said: “I will brandish my sword in their midst.” The vizier replied: Then, what shall we do with the Talibis who are present everywhere, and with whom the people are sympathetic on account of love for the progeny of the Prophet (S)? This order of yours will praise and accept them, and as the people will hear it, they will tend to be more sympathetic with them (the Talibis).[128][370] The ‘Alawis were respected by the people in every region they were residing. It was for this reason that after their deaths, the people used to build mausoleums and shrines on their graves as they used to gather around them (‘Alawis) during their lifetime. When Muhammad ibn Qasim al-‘Alawi went to Khurasan during the caliphate of Mu‘tasim, about four thousand people gathered around him after only a short period and housed him inside a very formidable stronghold.[129][371] On one hand, the ‘Alawis were generally good and pious people while the transgression of the Umayyad and ‘Abbasid rulers were known to the people. On the other hand, the oppression experienced by the ‘Alawis made them occupy a special place in people’s hearts. As Mas‘udi has narrated, “During the year when Yahya ibn Zayd was martyred, every baby that was born in Khurasan was named either Yahya or Zayd.”[130][372] The Reasons behind the Emigration of the Sadat Three factors can be identified with respect to the migration and scattering of the sadat in the different parts of the Muslim territories: (a) the defeat of the ‘Alawi uprisings; (b) the pressure exerted by the agents of the government; and (c) the existence of good opportunities for migration. a. The Defeat of the ‘Alawi Uprisings As a result of the defeat of the uprisings staged by the ‘Alawis, they could not stay in Iraq and Hijaz which were accessible to the capital of the caliphate, and they were forced to go to far-flung places and thus save their lives. As Mas‘udi says about the scattering of the brothers of Muhammad Nafs az-Zakiyyah, The brothers and children of Muhammad Nafs az-Zakiyyah were spread across diverse lands and called on the people to accept his leadership. His son, ‘Ali ibn Muhammad, went to Egypt where he was killed. His other son, ‘Abd Allah went to Khurasan where he was imprisoned and later died in prison. His third son, Hasan, went to Yemen where he was also put behind bars and died there. His brother, Musa, went to Mesopotamia. His brother, Yahya, went to Rey and then proceeded to Tabaristan. Another brother of his, Idris, went to Maghrib and the people rallied behind him…[131][373] b. Pressure Exerted by Governments Agents In the regions of Hijaz and Iraq which were near the capital, the ‘Alawis were constantly under pressure exerted by government agents. As narrated by Mas‘udi, Muhammad ibn Qasim al-‘Alawi’s travel from Kufah to Khurasan prompted the pressure exerted by the agents of the ‘Abbasid caliph Mu‘tasim.[132][374] c. Existence of Favorable Circumstances Another factor for the migration of the ‘Alawis was the existence of pleasant opportunities and their good social standing in the regions such as Qum and Tabaristan. Summary The reasons and factors behind the spread of Shi‘ism during the ‘Abbasid period are as follows: 1. The Hashimis—including both the ‘Abbasids and the ‘Alawis—were united up to the period of Mansur and the first thing expressed by the ‘Abbasid campaigners was the superiority of ‘Ali (‘a). 2. During the time of the bloody confrontations between the Umayyads and the ‘Abbasids, it was a good opportunity for Imam al-Baqir and Imam as-Sadiq (‘a) to undertake considerable activities in propagate the fundamentals of Shi‘ism. 3. One of the most important factors for the spread of Shi‘ism was the migration of sadat and ‘Alawis and their scattering across diverse parts of Muslim territories. The sadat were spread in most parts of the Muslim territories extending from Transoxiana and India to Africa. The people of Tabaristan were among those who embraced Islam through the Husayni sadat and were Shi‘ah from the very beginning. The Shi‘ah during the Period of ‘Abbasid Caliphate Shi‘ism from the beginning of the ‘Abbasid period (132 AH) up to the end of the minor occultation {ghaybah as-sughra} (329 AH) was a longer period compared to the Umayyad period. The Shi‘ah were scattered in the furthest points of the vast Muslim land. For example, a complaint was lodged to (the ‘Abbasid caliph) Harun (ar-Rashid) against Imam Musa al-Kazim (‘a) for receiving khums[64][306] from east and west.[65][307] When Imam ‘Ali ibn ar-Ridha (‘a) arrived in Nayshabur, two hadith keepers named Abu Zar‘ah ar-Razi and Muhammad ibn Aslam at-Tusi came to the Imam (‘a) along with innumerable groups of knowledge seekers and requested that he face them. The Imam (‘a) faced them, in the presence of various classes of people, to narrate the silsilah adh-dhahab hadith. This hadith was recorded in 20 thousand books by different writers.[66][308] Similarly, Imam ar-Ridha (‘a), in reply to (the ‘Abbasid caliph) Ma’mun who had many expectations from him after his (forced) acceptance of the heir-apparency, said: “…This affair (heir-apparency) has never added favor to me. When I was in Medina, amputation of the thief’s hand was used to be implemented in the east and west.”[67][309] Also, the admission of the Sunni jurist {fuqih}, Ibn Abi Dawud, who was himself a stern enemy and adversary of the Shi‘ah, is significant. Following the ‘Abbasid caliph Mu‘tasim preference of Imam al-Jawad (‘a) view to that of the Sunni jurists regarding the amputation of the thief’s hand, Ibn Abi Dawud privately reminded the caliph that in the presence of the courtiers, governors, ministers, and scribes he preferred the view of a person whose Imamate is acknowledged by half of the ummah to the view of all ‘ulama’ of his assembly.[68][310] Shi‘ism had even penetrated the ranks of the governors and dignitaries of the ‘Abbasid rule. As Yahya ibn Harthamah narrates, The ‘Abbasid caliph Mutawakkil dispatched me to summon Imam al-Hadi (‘a) to Medina. When I arrived along with the Imam in Baghdad, I went to Ishaq ibn Ibrahim at-Tahiri, the governor of Baghdad. He said to me: “O Yahya! This man is the son of the Messenger of Allah (S). You also know Mutawakkil. If you would incite Mutawakkil to kill him, it is tantamount to declaring enmity with the Messenger of Allah (S).” I said: “I did not see anything in him but goodness.” Then, I proceeded to Samarra. When I arrived there, I went first to Wasif Turki.[69][311] He also said to me: “If even a single strand of hair is taken from this man, I shall call you to account.[70][312] In the first volume of his book, Sayyid Muhsin Amin has identified as Shi‘ah a number of ‘Abbasid statesmen such as Abu Salmah Khalal,[71][313] the first vizier of the ‘Abbasid caliphate who was called the Vizier of the Prophet’s Progeny {wazir al Muhammad}; Abu Bukhayr Asadi al-Basri, one of the prominent governors and emirs during the time of (the ‘Abbasid caliph) Mansur; Muhammad ibn Ash‘ath, the vizier of Harun ar-Rashid, about whom there is a story during the detention of Imam al-Kazim (‘a) which demonstrates his being a Shi‘ah; ‘Ali ibn Yaqtayn, one of the viziers of Harun; Ya‘qub ibn Dawud, the vizier of the ‘Abbasid caliph Mahdi; and Tahir ibn Husayn Khaza‘i, the governor of Khurasan on behalf of Ma’mun and conqueror of Baghdad on account of which Hasan ibn Sahl did not dispatch him to the Battle of Abi’s-Saraya.[72][314] Among the Shi‘ah judges were Sharik ibn ‘Abd Allah an-Nakha‘i, the judge of Kufah, and Waqidi, the renowned historian, who was a judge during the time of Ma’mun.[73][315] Shi‘ism was so widespread even in the ‘Abbasid spheres of influence that it was considered a threat for them. For example, during the burial procession for Imam al-Kazim (‘a) Sulayman ibn Mansur, Harun’s uncle, participated in the procession barefooted in a bid to tone down the wrath of the Shi‘ah who formed an impressive assembly.[74][316] Also, when Imam al-Jawad (‘a) attained martyrdom and they wanted to bury him secretly, the Shi‘ah were informed of it. Armed with swords, twelve thousand of them went out and buried the Imam with due respect and dignity.[75][317] During the martyrdom of Imam al-Hadi (‘a) there was also a large number of the Shi‘ah and the extent of their weeping and wailing was such that the ‘Abbasids were forced to bury him within the confine of his house.[76][318] After the period of Imam ar-Ridha (‘a), the ‘Abbasid caliphs were so meticulous in respectfully treating the pure Imams (‘a) so as not to face the wrath of the Shi‘ah. As such, during the reign of Harun, Imam ar-Ridha (‘a) enjoyed relative freedom and he was able to attend to the scientific and cultural activities of the Shi‘ah, to even declare openly his Imamate and desist from practicing dissimulation {taqiyyah}, to discuss and converse with the followers of other schools and religions, and convince some of them. As Ash‘ari al-Qummi narrates, “During the time of Imam al-Kazim and Imam ar-Ridha (‘a) a number of Sunni and Zaydi divines embraced Shi‘ism and recognized the Imamate of these two Imams.”[77][319] Some of the ‘Abbasid caliphs had strived to monitor the pure Imams (‘a) with the aim of controlling them. When the Imams (‘a) were asked to move from Medina, the caliphs had tried their best not to allow the Imams (‘a) to pass by the Shi‘ah-populated regions. Along this line, pursuant to Ma’mun’s order, they brought Imam ar-Ridha (‘a) to Marv through the Basrah-Ahwaz-Fars route and not through the Shi‘ah-concentrated Kufah-Jabal-Qum route.[78][320] As narrated by Ya‘qubi, when Imam al-Hadi (‘a) was brought to Samarra at the order of the ‘Abbasid caliph Mutawakkil, the ‘Abbasids who accompanied the Imam made a sojourn so to pass Baghdad by night to get to Samarra because as they arrived near Baghdad, they learned that a large group of people was waiting to meet the Imam.[79][321] Since the Shi‘ah were mostly scattered across different regions and far-flung places during the ‘Abbasid period, the pure Imams (‘a) founded the proxy institutions of representation, appointing respective deputies and proxies in the different regions and cities to serve as a means of communication between them and the Shi‘ah. This affair commenced at the time of Imam as-Sadiq (‘a). When the caliph’s apparatus gained a firmer grip over the pure Imams (‘a) making Shi‘ah’s access to the Imam of their time more problematic, the institution of proxy and the role of the Imam’s deputies gained more prominence. It is thus recorded in the book, Tarikh-e ‘Asr-e Ghaybat {History of the Minor Occultation}: “The most important of all is the enhancement and spread of the covert institution of deputyship—an institution which was founded during the time of Imam as-Sadiq (‘a) and further developed during the time of ‘Askariyyin.”[80][322] In this regard, Professor Pishva’i thus writes: The critical conditions of the Shi‘ah Imams during the ‘Abbasid period prompted them to look for a new means of establishing and maintaining their contact with their followers. This new means was nothing but the communication network of representation and the Imam’s appointment of deputies and trustees in the various regions. The main function of this institution was the collection of khums, zakat {alms-rate}, nadhr {vow endowments}, and gifts {hadaya} from the various regions through the deputies and remitting the same to the Imam as well as for the Imam to reply to the ideological and juristic questions and issues of the Shi‘ah and their political justification through the Imam’s deputies. This institution had pivotal role in advancing the objectives of the Imams.[81][323] The places where the infallible Imams (‘a) had deputies and proxies are Kufah, Basrah, Baghdad, Qum, Wasit, Ahwaz, Hamedan, Sistan, Bast, Rey, Hijaz, Yemen, Egypt, and Mada’in.[82][324] Shi‘ism during the 4th century AH was spread from the east to the west of the Muslim world and was at the peak of its spread and growth as it had never experienced before such a magnitude of growth. The list of the Shi‘ah-populated cities of the Muslim lands during that century presented by Muqaddasi points to this fact. Thus, we shall cite the facts from his book. Somewhere in his book, he says that many of the judges in Yemen, coast of Mecca and Sahar are Mu’tazilites and Shi‘ah.[83][325] Accordingly, Shi‘ism is so widespread in the Arabian Peninsula.[84][326] Regarding the inhabitants of Basrah, it is stated that “Most of the inhabitants of Basrah are Qadiri, Shi‘ah, Mu‘tazilites, and then Hanbalis.”[85][327] During that century, the people of Kufah, with the exception of Kinasah, have been Shi‘ah.[86][328] There are also a few Shi‘ah in the Musul district.[87][329] The people of Nablus, Quds and most of Oman are Shi‘ah.[88][330] The people of the upper village of Fustat and that of Sandfa are Shi‘ah.[89][331] In the region along the Indus river the people of the city of Multan are Shi‘ah, and this fact is evident in their adhan and iqamah.[90][332] In Ahwaz the conflict between the Sunnis and Shi‘ah would lead to war.[91][333] By pointing to the rule of the Buyids and that of the Fatimids in Egypt, Maqrizi also writes: The rafidhi (Shi‘ah) madhhab {school of thought} spread in Morocco, Sham, Diyar Bakr, Kufah, Basrah, Baghdad, the entire Iraq, Khurasan, Transoxiana,[92][334] as well as Hijaz, Yemen and Bahrain, and there were conflicts between them (Shi‘ah) and Sunnis as a result of which those who were killed were countless.[93][335] During that century, there was a large number of Shi‘ah even in Baghdad, the capital of the ‘Abbasid caliphate to such an extent that they could openly perform their mourning ceremony on the day of ‘Ashura. As Ibn al-Kathir says, “The Sunnis did not have the courage to stop this ceremony on account of the large number of the Shi‘ah and the support of the Buyid government for them.”[94][336] During that time, the ground for the struggle of the Shi‘ah was paved to some extent as many Muslim territories were under Shi‘ah rulers. In the north of Iran, Gilan and Mazandaran, the ‘Alawis of Tabaristan were ruling. In Egypt the Fatimids, in Yemen the Zaydis, in the north of Iraq and Syria the Hamdanis, and in Iran and Iraq the Buyids were in the helms of power. Of course, during the periods of some ‘Abbasid caliphs such as Mahdi, Amin, Ma’mun, Mu‘tasim, Wathiq, and Muntasir, the Shi‘ah had relative freedom of movement. At least, during the time of these caliphs the past repressions were mitigated. As narrated by Ya‘qubi, the ‘Abbasid caliph Mahdi had released Shi‘ah and Talibis (descendants of Abu Talib).[95][337] The government of Amin unconsciously relaxed its suppression of and hostilities toward the Shi‘ah, for a five-year period, mostly because of Amin’s pleasure-seeking and his war with his brother Ma’mun. The ‘Abbasid caliphs Ma’mun, Mu‘tasim, Wathiq, and Mu‘tadhad had Shi‘i tendency, but Mutawakkil was one of the sternest enemies of the Prophet’s descendants and their Shi‘ah. Although the Shi‘ah were out of control during his reign, he used to prohibit nevertheless the visitation to the tomb of Imam al-Husayn (‘a).[96][338] Ibn Athir says: Mutawakkil used to regard as his enemies the caliphs preceding him such as Ma’mun, Mu‘tasim and Wathiq who used to express affection to ‘Ali and his descendants. Persons such as ‘Ali ibn Juhm (a poet from Sham), ‘Umar ibn Faraj, Abu Samt—one of the descendants of Marwan ibn Abi Hafsah and sympathizers of the Umayyads—and ‘Abd Allah ibn Muhammad ibn Dawud Hashimi who were regarded as Nasibis and enemies of ‘Ali (‘a), were his boom companions and associates.[97][339] During that period the Nasibi nonreligious poets had earned courage reciting poems against the descendants of the Prophet (S) in order to get closer to the (political) establishment of Mutawakkil. But Mutawakkil’s successor, Muntasir, adopted a contrary policy and gave freedom of action to the Shi‘ah, renovated the tomb of Imam al-Husayn (‘a) and removed the prohibition on visiting it.[98][340] Hence, Bahtari, a poet during his period has thus said: إنّ علياً لاولى بكم وازكی يداً عنكم من عمر Verily, ‘Ali compared to ‘Umar is nearer to you and he is purer.[99][341] ‘Abbasids Control over the Shi‘ah Leaders Up to 329 AH the ‘Abbasid rule in general experienced two periods: ascendancy of Iranian viziers and officials, and prevalence of the Turkish army. Although during the period of the Turks the caliphate’s apparatus was weak and most of the times the ‘Abbasid caliphs were tools in the hands of the Turkish commanders, the government’s general policy was anti-Shi‘ism. Owing to the great quantitative increase of the Shi‘ah during the ‘Abbasid period, the policy of the ‘Abbasid caliphs was to exert control over the Shi‘ah leaders although the caliphs differed in terms of treatment of the Shi‘ah. Some of them such as Mansur, Hadi, Rashid, and Mutawakkil were despotic, cruel and bloodthirsty. Others such as Mahdi, Ma’mun and Wathiq did not have the stringency of their respective predecessors, and during their caliphate the Shi‘ah had relative breathing space. When Caliph Mansur sensed the danger posed by Muhammad Nafs az-Zakiyyah and his brother Ibrahim, he apprehended and imprisoned his father, brothers and uncles.[100][342] Mansur summoned Imam as-Sadiq (‘a) to his court many times with the intention of killing the Imam (‘a) but the will of God was other than that.[101][343] The ‘Abbasid caliphs tried their best to remove the Shi‘ah leaders who were their rivals. Mansur even gave money and dispatched to Medina a certain Ibn al-Muhajir so as to go to ‘Abd Allah ibn al-Hasan, Imam as-Sadiq (‘a) and a number of other ‘Alawis, and to say to them that the sum of money comes from the Shi‘ah of Khurasan, remit the same and take a receipt. Imam as-Sadiq (‘a) reminded him that the Imam knows that he was sent by Mansur and asked him to relay to Mansur, thus: “The ‘Alawis have been recently relived from the rule of the Marwanis and they are needy. Do not deceive and dupe them.”[102][344] Asad Haydar says: “In order to have a pretext in eliminating Imam as-Sadiq (‘a), Mansur resorted to various means; he wrote letters to the Imam by using the names of the latter’s Shi‘ah and sent goods to the Imam under the names of his Shi‘ah. Yet, Mansur did not succeed in any of these ways.”[103][345] When Mansur heard the news of the martyrdom of Imam as-Sadiq (‘a), he wrote a letter to the governor of Medina, Muhammad ibn Sulayman: “In case Ja‘far ibn Muhammad designated a certain person as the implementers of his will {wasiyy}, arrest him and cut off his head.” In reply to the caliph’s letter, the governor of Medina thus wrote: “Ja‘far ibn Muhammad designated these five persons as the executors of his will: Abu Ja‘far Mansur, Muhammad ibn Sulayman, ‘Abd Allah, Musa, and Hamidah.” Then Mansur said: “They cannot be killed.”[104][346] Caliph Mahdi did not have his father’s callousness toward the ‘Alawis and Shi‘ah. Ya‘qubi narrates: “As soon as Mahdi assumed the caliphate, he ordered for the release of the imprisoned ‘Alawis.”[105][347] As such, no ‘Alawi uprising took place during his reign. Abu’l-Faraj al-Isfahani has mentioned only two persons who died during the period of Mahdi; one of them was ‘Ali ibn al-‘Abbas while the other was ‘Isa ibn az-Zayd who transpired clandestinely and who used to live in hiding from the time of Mansur.[106][348] During the reign of Caliph Hadi, intense pressure was exerted on the ‘Alawis and Shi‘ah figures. As Ya‘qubi writes, Hadi persisted on treating the Shi‘ah and Talibis harshly, terrifying them extremely. He curtailed the right granted to them by Mahdi and wrote to the governors and rulers of the regions and cities to pursue and arrest the Talibis.[107][349] In protest to the caliph’s wrongdoings, Husayn ibn ‘Ali, who was a descendant of al-Husayn (Shahid Fakh), staged an uprising. In that battle apart from Husayn a large number of the ‘Alawis were killed.[108][350] This battle brought severe pressure to Imam al-Kazim (‘a). Caliph Hadi threatened the Imam and thus said: “By God! Husayn (Shahid Fakh) staged an uprising against me at the order of Musa ibn Ja‘far and he has followed him. It is because nobody could be the Imam and leader of this family except Musa ibn Ja‘far. May God kill me if I let him live.”[109][351] Yet, the caliph failed to execute this threat due to the arrival of the time of his demise. During the second century hijri, Harun ar-Rashid was considered the most cruel caliph toward the ‘Alawis and Shi‘ah leaders after Mansur. Harun was despotic in relation to the ‘Alawis and treated them cruelly. He mercilessly killed Yahya ibn ‘Abd Allah, Muhammad Nafs az-Zakiyyah’s brother, inside the prison after granting him amnesty. Similarly, there is a story recorded in ‘Uyun Akhbar ar-Rida that illustrates the extent of Harun ar-Rashid’s cruelty. Hamid ibn Quhtabah at-Ta’i at-Tusi narrates: One night Harun summoned me and ordered me, thus: “Take this sword and carry out this slave’s order.” The slave took me in front of a certain house whose door was closed. He opened the door. There were three rooms and a well in that house. He opened the first room and asked twenty sayyids (or sadat) (descendants of the Prophet (S)) who had long and woven hair to go out. Young and old could be seen among them. He tied this group with chains and manacles. Harun’s slave then said to me: “The order of the Commander of the Faithful is for you to kill them.” They are from among the offspring of ‘Ali (‘a) and Fatimah (‘a). I killed one after the other and the slave threw the corpses with heads to the well. Then I opened the second door. In that room there were twenty other people from the offspring of ‘Ali and Fatimah. I did to them what I had done to the previous twenty persons. Thereafter, the slave opened the third room in which there were twenty other sayyids. They also met the fate of the previous forty persons through me. Only an old man was left who looked at me and said: “O sinister man! May God annihilate you! On the Day of Judgment, what excuse do you have in front of our forefather, the Messenger of Allah (S)?” At that moment, my hands trembled. The slave looked at me furiously and threatened me. I killed the old man and the slave threw his corpse into the well.[110][352] Finally, though acknowledging the station of the Imam, Harun ar-Rashid arrested and imprisoned Imam al-Kazim (‘a) and in the end martyred him through poisoning.[111][353] After the martyrdom of Imam al-Kazim (‘a) Harun ar-Rashid dispatched to Medina one of his commanders named Juludi so as to assault the houses of the descendants of Abu Talib, plunder the clothes of women and leave only one dress for every woman. Imam ar-Ridha (‘a) stood in front of the door and ordered the women to take their clothes.[112][354] Ma’mun being the most clever of the ‘Abbasid caliphs devised a new method of controlling the Shi‘ah leaders and Imams and that was to monitor the pure Imams (‘a). It was precisely one of the main motives of Ma’mun in superficially designating Imam ar-Ridha (‘a) as his heir-apparent. In the same token, Ma’mun adopted this policy in a different form in dealing with Imam al-Jawad (‘a). He gave his daughter in marriage to the Imam so that he could monitor the Imam’s activities in Medina. The caliphs after Ma’mun adopted the same method and compelled the infallible Imams (‘a) to live in the capital of the caliphate. Even the tenth and eleventh Imams (‘a) became known as ‘Askariyyin {soldiers} for living in Samarra which was a military city. Summary Shi‘ism spread more during the ‘Abbasid period than during the ‘Umayyad period. During that period, the Shi‘ah were spread in both the east and west of the vast Muslim territory. During that time, Shi‘ism had found its way among the statesmen, judges and military commanders. Even in Baghdad which was the capital of the ‘Abbasid caliphate and influence, the Shi‘ah, on account of their great numbers, were deemed a serious threat to the ‘Abbasids. It was for this reason that the caliphs tried their best to monitor and control the Shi‘ah Imams. As such, from the time of Imam ar-Ridha (‘a) onwards they compelled the pure Imams (‘a) to live at the caliphate’s capital. On account of the scattering of the Shi‘ah in the various lands during this period, the pure Imams (‘a) utilized the institution of deputyship {wikalah}. Finally, Shi‘ism reached the height of its growth and spread during the fourth century. It was during this period when the Zaydi and Isma‘ili states of the Buyids and Hamdanis were set up. Of course, the ‘Abbasid caliphs differed from one another in their treatment of the Shi‘ah. Mansur, Harun and Mutawakkil were among the most cruel caliphs in dealing with the Shi‘ah. The Beginning of the ‘Abbasid Campaign and Its Effect upon the Spread of Shi‘ism The campaign of the ‘Abbasids started in 111 AH.[20][274] On the one hand, it contributed to the spread of Shi‘ism in the various territories of the Muslim world, and on the other, the acts of strangulation of the Umayyads were lessened. As a result, the Shi‘ah were able to have a relative breathing space. During this period, the infallible Imams (‘a) laid down the Shi‘ah juristic and scholastic foundations and Shi‘ism entered a new stage. In general, during the Umayyad period there was no split between the descendants of ‘Ali (‘a) and the descendants of ‘Abbas ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib and there was no quarrel between them. In this regard Sayyid Muhsin Amin says: “The descendants of ‘Ali (‘a) and the descendants of ‘Abbas during the Umayyad rule were treading the same path. The people who assisted them believing them to be more qualified to the caliphate than the Umayyads were known as the Shi‘ah of Muhammad’s (S) progeny. During this period, there was no difference in religious opinion between the descendants of ‘Ali (‘a) and that of ‘Abbas. But when the ‘Abbasids came to power, Satan hatched the seed of discord between them and the descendants of ‘Ali (‘a), and they perpetrated numerous acts of oppression against the descendants of ‘Ali (‘a).[21][275] For this reason, the ‘Abbasid campaigners were calling the people to please the progeny of Muhammad (S) while recounting the states of oppression the Prophet’s (S) progeny were enduring. Abu’l-Faraj al-Isfahani says: After the killing of Walid ibn Yazid and the emergence of differences among the Marwanis (descendants of Marwan ibn al-Hakam), Banu Hashim’s campaigners and propagandists went to various places, and the first thing they were expressing was the merits of ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib and his descendants. The said to the people: “How could the Umayyads afford to kill and displace the descendants of ‘Ali?”[22][276] As a result, during this period Shi‘ism remarkably spread. Even the hadiths related to Hadrat al-Mahdi (‘a) spread rapidly among the people of various regions. Khurasan was the main sphere of activity of the ‘Abbasid campaigners. For this reason, the Shi‘ah numbers there increased rapidly to such an extent that, as narrated by Ya‘qubi, After the martyrdom of Zayd (ibn ‘Ali ibn al-Husayn) in 121 AH, the Shi‘ah in Khurasan were agitated and stirred up. The Shi‘ah publicized their belief. Many of the ‘Abbasid campaigners used to approach them and recount the crimes committed by the Umayyads against the progeny of the Prophet (S). This subject and news was imparted to people in every city in Khurasan by ‘Abbasid campaigners who went there and dreams and aspirations in this regard were seen and books were taught.[23][277] Mas‘udi also narrates a subject which expresses the spread and prevalence of Shi‘ism in Khurasan. He thus writes: “In 125 AH when Yahya ibn Zayd was killed in Juzjan, the people named all the male infants born in that year were named Yahya.”[24][278] The influence of the ‘Abbasids in Khurasan was greater as Abu’l-Faraj thus says while stating the profile of ‘Abd Allah ibn Muhammad ibn ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib: The Khurasani Shi‘ah thought that ‘Abd Allah was his father Muhammad al-Hanafiyyah’s heir and that he was the Imam, and appointed Muhammad ibn ‘Ali ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn al-‘Abbas as his successor, and that the successor of Muhammad, Ibrahim, was the Imam from whom the Imamate extents to the ‘Abbasids through inheritance.[25][279] As such, the bulk of the ‘Abbasid army was constituted by the Khurasanis. In this regard, Muqaddasi says: As God saw the oppression and injustice of the Umayyads against the family of the Prophet (S), He gathered an army from the different parts of that Khurasan and sent it to them at the darkness of the night. During the advent of the Mahdi there is more expectation from the people of Khurasan.[26][280] Given this, the Ahl al-Bayt (‘a) of the Prophet (S) had occupied a distinct position among the people such that after the victory of the ‘Abbasids, a person named Sharik ibn Shaykh al-Mahdi in Bukhara staged an uprising because of the ‘Abbasids’ acts of injustice against the progeny of the Prophet (S), saying: “We did not pay allegiance to them for us to commit oppression, shed the blood of people unjustly and commit acts against the truth.” He was repressed and killed by Abu Muslim.[27][281] 1. Shi‘ism during the Period of Imam al-Baqir and Imam as-Sadiq (‘a) The second period of the Imamate of Imam Muhammad al-Baqir (‘a) and the initial period of Imam Ja‘far as-Sadiq’s (‘a) Imamate coincide with the ‘Abbasid campaigns and ‘Alawi uprisings such as that of Zayd ibn ‘Ali, Yahya ibn Zayd, and ‘Abd Allah ibn Mu‘awiyah—one of the grandchildren of Ja‘far ibn Abi Talib at-Tayyar[28][282]—and the emergence of Abu Muslim al-Khurasani as the deputy of the ‘Abbasid campaigners in Khurasan in inciting the people against the Umayyads.[29][283] Meanwhile, the Umayyads had internal factional disputes and problems among their supporters because there was a serious clash between the Mudhiris and Yamanis among the Umayyad supporters in their respective spheres of influence.[30][284] These revolts and entanglements made the Umayyads negligent of the Shi‘ah. As such, the Shi‘ah were able to enjoy a relative breathing space; relaxation from the state of intense dissimulation {taqiyyah}; reorganize themselves; and reestablish contacts with their leaders. It was at this period when the people turned toward Imam al-Baqir (‘a) to benefit from the blessings of which they had been deprived for many years. The Imam (‘a) rose up in order to keep alive the school {maktab} of the Ahl al-Bayt (‘a). He (‘a) engaged in guiding and enlightening people conducting teaching sessions in Medina and Masjid an-Nabi in particular. He served as the reference authority for people, solving their scientific and juristic problems, as such his view served as proof for them. Qays ibn Rabi‘ narrates that he asked Abu Ishaq about wiping {masa’} of slippers (during the performance of ablution {wudhu‘}) and Abu Ishaq said: Like other people, I used to wipe my slippers (in ablution) until such time that I met a man from the Banu Hashim whose equal I have never met before. I asked him about the case of wiping the slippers (in ablution). He prohibited me from doing it, saying: “The Commander of the Faithful did not do it.” From then on, I stopped doing it. Qays ibn Rabi‘ also says: “After hearing this statement, I also stopped wiping my slippers (in ablution).” A certain man from among the Khawarij (Kharijites) came to Imam al-Baqir (‘a). While addressing the Imam (‘a), he said: “O Abu Ja‘far! What do you worship?” The Imam (‘a) said: “God.” The man asked: “Can you see Him?” The Imam (‘a) replied: “Yes, but the vision cannot witness Him while hearts with the truth of faith can see Him. He cannot be discerned through analogy {qiyas}. He cannot be perceived through the senses. He is not like human beings…” The Kharijite man left the Imam (‘a) while saying: “God knows well to whom He shall entrust His message {risalah}.” The scholars such as ‘Amru ibn ‘Ubayd, Tawus al-Yamani, Hasan al-Basri, and Nafi‘ Mawla ibn ‘Umar used to refer to the Imam (‘a) for solving scientific and juristic problems and issues.[31][285] When the Imam (‘a) would arrive in Mecca, people would rush to ask him questions on matters pertaining to the lawful {halal} and the prohibited {haram}, considering the chance of asking the Imam (‘a) a boon and a means of acquiring more knowledge. Imam al-Baqir’s (‘a) teaching sessions were attended not only by students but also the scholars of the time.[32][286] When Hisham ibn ‘Abd al-Malik arrived in Mecca for Hajj, he witnessed these teaching sessions that were an opportunity for him. He sent someone to ask the Imam (‘a) on his behalf as to what the people will be eating on the Day of Judgment {mahshar}. In reply the Imam (‘a) said: “On the Day of Judgment there are trees whose fruits shall be eaten by the people and rivers whose water the people shall drink so as to feel easiness for the Reckoning.” Hisham again sent that person to ask the Imam (‘a), hence: “Shall the people have time to eat and drink?” The Imam (‘a) said: “Even in hell there shall be opportunity to eat and drink, and the dwellers of hell shall also ask for water and other graces of God.” Zurarah (ibn A‘yan) says: I, along with Imam al-Baqir (‘a), was sitting beside the Ka‘bah, while the Imam (‘a) was facing the Ka‘bah. The Imam (‘a) said: “Looking at the Ka‘bah is indeed an act of worship.” Then a certain man (from Bajilah) came and said: “Ka‘b al-Ahbar used to say: ‘The Ka‘bah prostrates to the Temple of Jerusalem everyday’.” The Imam (‘a) said to the man: “What do you think about what Ka‘b was saying?” The man answered: “Ka‘b was telling the truth.” The Imam (‘a) was annoyed and retorted, saying: “No, you have lied and Ka‘b has lied.”[33][287] Great ‘ulama’, jurists {fuqaha} and hadith scholars {muhaddithun} were trained under the blessed feet of the Imam (‘a), such as Zurarah ibn A‘yan about whom Imam as-Sadiq (‘a) said: “If it were not for Zurarah, there was a probability for the hadiths of my father to be lost forever.”[34][288] Muhammad ibn Muslim heard thirty thousand hadiths from Imam al-Baqir (‘a).[35][289] Another scholar who learned from the Imam (‘a) was Abu Basir about whom Imam as-Sadiq (‘a) said: “Had it not been for them, the works of prophethood {nubuwwah} will be terminated and be antiquated.”[36][290] Other prominent figures such as Yazid ibn Mu‘awiyah al-‘Ajali, Jabir ibn Yazid, Hamran ibn A‘yan, and Hisham ibn Salim were among those who were trained in the school {maktab} of the Imam (‘a). In addition to the Shi‘ah scholars, many of the Sunni ‘ulama’ have also studied under the Imam (‘a) and narrated hadiths on the authority of the Imam (‘a). As Sabt ibn al-Jawzi says, “(Imam) Ja‘far used to narrate hadiths of the Prophet (S) from his father.” As such, a number of the Followers {tabi‘un} such as ‘Ata’ ibn Abi Rubah, Sufyan ath-Thawri, Malik ibn Anas (founder of the Maliki school of thought {madhhab}), Shu‘bah, and Abu Ayyub Sijistani have narrated hadiths from the Imam (‘a).[37][291] Furthermore, thousands of learned men in jurisprudence and hadith attained progress in the Imam’s (‘a) school and his hadiths were spread far and wide so much so that Jabir al-Ju‘fi, who was a great muhaddith, has narrated seventy thousand hadiths on the authority of the Imam (‘a).[38][292] This state of affairs continued until Imam al-Baqir (‘a) attained martyrdom on Dhu’l-Hijjah 7, 114 AH.[39][293] The University of Imam as-Sadiq (‘a) In view of the then prevailing conducive political atmosphere, Imam Ja‘far as-Sadiq (‘a) pursued his father’s scientific movement and established a large university and center of learning whose horizon reached far and wide. Shaykh al-Mufid says: The knowledge of the Imam (‘a) has been so widely narrated that it became proverbial to various many and its fame spread to every nook and corner. None of the progeny of the Prophet (S) match him (in this regard) whose knowledge and learning have been so widely transmitted.[40][294] Amir ‘Ali thus writes about the Imam (‘a): Those philosophical discussions and debates in all the Islamic centers became widespread and the guidance and instructions given in this regard were made possible only by the university that has been established in Medina under the supervision of Hadrat Sadiq, a great grandchild of Hadrat ‘Ali. He has been one of the great ‘ulama’ with precise views, a deep understanding, and well-versed in all the branches of knowledge of the time. In reality, it is he who is the founder of the rational academy in Islam.[41][295] As such, those who were lovers of knowledge {‘ilm} and thirsty for the Muhammadan (S) gnosis {ma‘rifah} rushed from different parts of the then Muslim world to that heroic Imam (‘a) in multitude, and benefited from his abundant spring of knowledge and wisdom. Sayyid Ilahil says: “In Kufah, Basrah, Wasit, and Hijaz, people of every tribe sent their children to Ja‘far ibn Muhammad. Many of the Arabs and Persians, the people of Qum in particular, came to him.”[42][296] In his Al-Mu‘tabar, the late Muhaqqiq (al-Hilli) thus writes: During the period of Imam as-Sadiq (‘a) various branches of knowledge that were transmitted from him astonished the great thinkers. A group of about four thousand rijali scholars have narrated hadiths from him, and by his teachings a great number of people in the various sciences attained mastery to such an extent that his answers to their questions were compiled in four hundred books {musannafat}, which were called “Usul”.[43][297] In his book, Dhikra, Shahid al-Awwal also says: “Four thousand people from Iraq, Hijaz, Khurasan, and Sham put into writing the answers of Abu ‘Abd Allah Imam as-Sadiq (‘a) to the questions.”[44][298] In this manner, the seekers and lovers of knowledge and learning used to benefit from the Imam (‘a). Outstanding scholars in various branches of the revealed {naqli} and rational {‘aqli} sciences of the day such as Hisham ibn Hakam, Muhammad ibn Muslim, Aban ibn Taghlib, Hisham ibn Salim, Mu’min Taq, Mufadhdhal ibn ‘Umar, Jabir ibn Hayyan, etc. were trained under the blessing of his presence. Their compilations which are known as the Usul Arba‘ami’ah, are the basis of the four Shi‘ah books on hadith, viz. Al-Kafi, Man La Yahdharah al-Faqih, At-Tahdhib, and Al-Istibsar. The disciples of Imam as-Sadiq (‘a) were not all Shi‘ah as most of the Sunni scholars of the day have also studied under his guidance. Ibn Hajar al-Haythami, a Sunni author, thus writes in this regard: “The leading figures (in jurisprudence and hadith) such as Yahya ibn Sa‘d, Ibn Jarih, Malik, Sufyan ath-Thawri, Sufyan ibn ‘Uyaynah, Abu Hanifah, Sha‘bi, and Ayyub Sijistani have narrated hadiths on his authority.”[45][299] Abu Hanifah, the founder of the Hanafi school of thought, has said: I used to go to Ja‘far ibn Muhammad for sometime. I used to see him in one of the three conditions: either he was praying, in the state of fasting, or reading the Qur’an. I never saw him narrating the hadith without performing ablution.[46][300] The one superior to Ja‘far ibn Muhammad in knowledge, devotion and piety has not been seen by any eye, heard by any ear, or perceived by any heart.[47][301] The Imam’s (‘a) teaching sessions were attended by those who later founded schools of jurisprudence attending as philosophers, as well as students of philosophy from far and wide. After learning the sciences from their Imam (‘a), they would return to their homelands and conduct teaching sessions of their own. The Muslims used to gather around them and they in turn impart the teachings of the Ahl al-Bayt (‘a) propagating Shi‘ism. When Aban ibn Taghlib would come to Masjid an-Nabi, the people would reserve for him the pillar against which the Prophet (S) used to lean, and he would narrate hadiths to them. Imam as-Sadiq (‘a) used to say to him: “Sit in the mosque of Medina and issue religious edicts to the people as I like persons like you to be seen among my Shi‘ah.” Aban was the first person to have written something on the sciences of the Qur’an {‘ulum al-Qur’an} and he was also so well-versed in hadith that he used to sit in Masjid an-Nabi and the people would come and ask him. Through his various styles of speaking, he would answer them and impart the hadiths of the Ahl al-Bayt (‘a) to them.[48][302] In Mizan al-I‘tidal, adh-Dhahabi thus says regarding him: “If the hadith of individuals such as Aban who are accused of being Shi‘ah is rejected, a great part of the Prophetic works would have perished.”[49][303] Abu Khalid al-Kabuli says: “I saw Abu Ja‘far Mu’min Taq sitting in Masjid an-Nabi while the people of Medina gathered around him and posed their questions on jurisprudence {masa’il} to him and he would answer them.”[50][304] Shi‘ism during that period was so spread that some people, in a bid to acquire social standing among the people, resorted to fabricating hadiths from the Imams (‘a) to draw people’s attention by interpreting the traditions in their own favor. For example, Imam as-Sadiq (‘a)—in reply to one of his companions named Faydh ibn Mukhtar who asked about the reason behind the contradiction in hadiths—thus says: “These people are not seeking the pleasure of Allah in narrating the hadiths and expressing our views. They are rather seeking the world and each of them is aspiring to be leader.”[51][305] Lesson 12: Summary The ‘Abbasid campaign started in 111 AH. During that time, there was no division between the descendants of ‘Ali {‘Alawi} and the descendants of ‘Abbas ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib {‘Abbasi}. The Umayyads were busy repressing the ‘Abbasid uprisings as a result of which Shi‘ism spread remarkably. Imam al-Baqir and Imam as-Sadiq (‘a) in this opportune time trained their disciples establishing the Jafari University, and many jurists {fuqaha} and scholastic theologians {mutakallimun} benefited from these two personages. Shaykh al-Mufid regards the number of the disciples of Imam as-Sadiq to be four thousand.